Masonic, Occult and Esoteric Online Library
The Mahatma Letters to A.P. Sinnett - 1923
By A. T. Barker
Letter No LXXXII
Strictly Confidential
The '* quart d'heure de Rabelais " has come. On your answerconsent or refusal—depends the resurrection of the Phoenix—prostrated in a death-like Samadhi, if not in actual death. If you believe in my word, and, leaving the Ryots to our care are pre- pared for a somewhat unclean work—from the European standpoint though—and consent to oppose our work apparently, serving- our ends in reality and thus saving our respective countries from a great evil that overhangs both—then consent to the proposal that will be made to you from India. You may work to all intents and purposes to oppose The Bengal Rent-Bill, for do whatever you or others may, you will never be able to impede our work in the opposite direction. Therefore,—one scruple less as one non-permitted confidence more. A riddle, verily.
And now good friend, I must explain. Only you have to pre- pare your European, cultured notions of right and wrong to re- ceive a shock. A plan of action of a purely Asiatic character is laid bare before you ; and since I may not move one finger—nor would I if I could in this case—to guide your understanding or feelings it may be found too Jesuitical, to suit your taste. Alas for all ! that you should be so little versed in the knowledge of occult antidotes as not to be able to perceive the difference between the Jesuitical " tout chemin est bon qui mene k Rome ** added to the cunning and crafty—" the end justifies the means " —and the necessity of the practical application of these sublime words of our Lord and Master : —" O ye Bhikkhus and Arhats—be friendly to the race of men—our brothers ! Know ye all, that he, who sacrifices not his one life to save the life of his fellow- being ; and he who hesitates to give up more than life—his fair name and honour to save the fair name and honour of the many, is unworthy of the sin-destroying, immortal, transcendent Nirvana." Well, it cannot be helped.
Allow me to explain to you the situation. It is very complicated ; but to him who, without any previous training was able to assimilate so well some of our doctrines as to write Esoteric Buddhism—the inner springs that we have to use ought to become intelligible.
(1) The Behar Chiefs propose one and a half lakhs down for the Phoenix; as much when they see you back to India, if the Bengal Rent-Bill is opposed by the new paper and you promise to give them your support. Unless the proposition is accepted by you we may prepare for the final incremation of our Phoenix—and for good. Exclusive of this sum—Rs. 150,000—we can count butupon Rs. 45,000 in shares—so far. But let the Races put downcash and all will follow.
(2) If you refuse they will secure another editor : were thereany danger for the ryots and the Bill they—the Races orZemindars would lose nothing thereby, except in the degreeofcleverness of their editor ; but they hope and are thoroughly un-aware of being doomed—in the long run. The only and real loserin the case of refusal will be—India and your own country—eventually. This is prophecy.
(3) The resistance to, and the intrigue set on foot by theZemindars against the Bill are infamous in their nature, yet verynatural. Those who examine things at the core, perceive the realculprit in Lord Cornwallis and the long line of his successors.However it may be infamous, as I say, there it is and cannotbehelped for it is human nature itself; and, there is no more dis-honour to support their claims from a legal standpoint on thepart of an Editor, who knows them to be doomed, than thereisfor a Counsel to defend his client—a great criminal sentencedtobe hung. I am now trying to argue from your European standpoint for fear, and lest you should not be able to see things fromour Asiatic point of view, or rather in the light we, whoareenabled to discern future events—see them.
(4) A conservative Editor whose field of action will be foundtorun on parallel lines with that of a conservative Viceroy, will findhimself having lost nothing in fact, for a slight opposition thatcannot last long after all. There are great flaws in the presentBill, examined from its legal, dead letter aspect.
(5) Owing to the idiotically untimely ** Ilbert's Bill," and thestill more idiotic ** Saligram-surendro " Contempt case, the agitation is carrying the population of India to the verge of self-destruction. You must not feel as tho* I were exaggerating if Isay more : —the English and especially Anglo-Indians are runningthe same course from an opposite direction. You are at libertyto refuse my warning: you will show yourself wise if you do not.To return to our direct object—
(6) There are several Englishmen of great intellect and ability,who feel ready to defend—(and even to ally themselves—with) theZemindars—and oppose the Bill, against their own principles andfeelings—simply because the Races hate and oppose the manwhom the rest of the Hindus profess, for the time being, toadore, and whom they are exalting with all the ardour of simpleminded, short-sighted savages. Thus the ryots cannot escapetheir fate for a few months longer whether you accept the offeror not. In the latter case, of course the paper scheme is at anend. r THE ^^PHCENIX'^ VENTURE 389
(7) At the same time it is better that you should be prepared to know the unavoidable results ; there are ninety-nine chances against one, that—if the offer of the Zemindars is rejected, the Phoenix will ever come into existence ; not so long at any rate as the present agitation is going on. And when it finally fails as the project is bound to unless we become masters of the situation, then we will have to part. In order to obtain from the Chohan permission to defend the teeming millions of the poor and the oppressed in India bringing on to bear all our knowledge and powers—I had to pledge myself, in case of the Phoenix's failure to interfere no more with such worldly matters and—to bid an eternal farewell to the European element. M. and Djwal Khool would have to take my place. On the other hand, should you consent to the offer your opposition to the Rent Bill would have no more effect on our work—for the Ryots than a straw—to save a vessel from sinking, whereas, if another editor is selected we would have no pretext to exercise our influence on their behalf. Such is the situation. It is a curious medley with no raison d'etre in your opinion. You can hardly be expected by us to see clearly through it at present, nor is there much likelihood that you will judge it fairly owing to this Egyptian darkness of cross purposes ; nor is there any special need you should, if the offer has to fall to the ground. But, if your answer is favourable, I may perhaps as well add a few particulars. Know then, that opposition notwithstanding, and just because of it, you will bring the great national boil to a head sooner than it could be other- wise expected. Thus, while carrying out strictly your pro- gramme and promise made to the Races, you will be helping the events that have to be brought about to save the unfortunate population that has been sat upon ever since 1793—the year of Lord Cornwallis's great political mistake. At the same time you may be doing immense good in every other direction. Recall the past and this will help you to see clearer into our intentions. When you took over Bengal from the native Rulers, there were a number of men who exercised the calling of Tax Collectors under their Government. These men received, as you are aware, a percentage for collecting the rents. The spirit of the letter of the tithe and tribute under the Mussulman Rulers was never understood by the East India Company ; least of all the rights of the ryots to oppose an arbitrary interchange of the Law of Wuzeefa and Mookassimah. Well, when the Zemindars found that the British did not exactly understand their position they took advantage of it as the English had taken advantage of their force : they claimed to be Landlords. Weekly enough, you consented to recognise the claim, and admitting it notwithstanding the warning of the Moossulman who understood the real situation and were not bribed as most of the Company were—you playedinto the hands of the few against the many, the result being the" perpetual settlement " documents. It is this that led to everysubsequent evil in Bengal. Seeing how the unfortunate Ryotsare regarded by your proud nation in the full progress of the19th Century, being in your sight of far less value than a horseor cattle, it is not difficult to imagine how they were regarded byyour countrymen then—a century ago—when every Englishmanwas a pious Christian at heart and ordered by the Bible to drawa distinction between the descendants of Ham and themselves—the heirs of the chosen people. The agreement drawn betweenLord Cornwallis and the Races which stipulated that the " blackhuman cattle " should be treated by the Zemindars kindly andjustly, and that they should not raise the rents of the Ryots, etc.was a legal farce. The Chohan was then in India and he wasaneye-witness to the beginning of horrors. No sooner had theysecured the Perpetual Settlement Agreement than the Races beganto disregard their engagements. Failing to fulfil any of thesethey brought yearly ruin and starvation on the miserable Ryots.They exacted tribute, sold them up, and trumped up false chargesagainst them under the name of Ahwab. These '* doors " and*' openings " led them wherever they wanted and they levied forover 50 years most extraordinary taxes. All this the Zemindarshave done and much more and they will be surely made to accountfor it. Things too horrible to mention were done under the eyesand often with the sanction of the Company's servants, whentheMutiny put a certain impediment by bringing as its result anotherform of Government. It is to redress the great wrong done, toremedy to the now irremediable that Lord Ripon took it into hishead to bring forward the new Bill. It was not thought expedientby his Councillors (not those you know of) to crush the Zemindarysystem without securing at the same time popularity amongthemajority in another direction : hence ** Ilbert's Bill " and someother trifles. We say then that to all appearances it is to redressthe wrongs of the Past, that is the object of the present BengalRent Bill. My friend you are a remarkably clever Editor andanastute and observant politician ; and no one, perhaps, in all Indiagoes as deep as you do into the inner constitution of the AngloIndian coup d'etat. Still you do not go far enough and theoriginal primitive layers of the political soil as the genesis of someacts of my Lord Ripon were and are terra incognita to yourself asto so many others perhaps still older hands in politics than youare. Neither Lord Ripon nor his Councillors (those behind theveil) anticipate any great results during his power in India. Theyare more Occultists than you may imagine. Their liberal reformsare not meant for India, to the weal or woes of which they arc quite indifferent : they look far off to future results and—Press acts, Ilbert's Bills, Bengal Rent Bills and the rest are aimed at Protestant England which, very soon, too soon if Somebody or Something does not interfere, will find itself suffocating in the invisible coils of the Romish .* Friend and Brother, the only one of your race whom I regard with a warm, sincere, affection, take care ! Do not reject too lightly my warning for it is a solemn one, and but a hint I am permitted to make. Political scepticism, like every other, scorns and laughs at the observations of those who do not belong to its factions. It finds out its mistakes when in a ditch. Beware for it is no more a simple ditch, but an abyss that is being prepared for you !
But let us see on what grounds an honest Englishman can oppose the Rent Bill. However great the misery of the Ryots even at present, however just the reprisals that are in store for the Zemindars, however human and generous, in short, on its surface the object of the Rent Bill, yet no honest Government strictly speaking has the right to break at will and its own pleasure solemn pledges and engagements. Because, it is found that the Races have not fulfilled their part of the agreement, it gives no right to the other party to make away with their signature and tear in shreds the perpetual settlement agreement. The sins of the few cannot well be visited upon the many. There are heavy flaws in the present Rent Bill as there were in the old System ; and, there is no clause in the old document stipulated to the effect that the Settlement becomes nil at the will of the British. I will not enter upon the defects of the dead-letter meaning in either the one or other, but will limit myself by telling you that there are such flaws and that, until modified you have a perfect right to object to them. You are not expected to cause the Bill to be withdrawn but to simply support the Zemindars analysis of its defects. And this you can freely promise. However I must not seem trying to influence you one way or the other. Some of the claims of the Races are infamous and no honest man can be made to support them ; while others are not without a strong legal foundation in their favour. The Ruling power, for instance, was never yet and in no case the proprietor of the Khirajee land—not even under the Moossulman laws and sway. You have thus the Spirit of Khiraj and Ooshr to work upon, in order to redeem your promise to the landowners and amuse them for a few months unto the day of the " Almighty Smash " that is in store for them. All that you are asked to do for the benefit of {your as well as) my country is, to overlook the ugly frontispiece of the edifice, taking into consideration only the real nature of the situation and the future good results, in case you should get over your very natural squeamishness. In a few days you may receive a formal proposal. Think well over it. Do not allow yourself to be influencedby any consideration in connection with my desires. If youhonestly believe the offer inconsistent with your European notionsand criterion of truth and honour refuse its acceptance withoutany hesitation and let me bid you a sad though ever grateful andfriendly farewell. I cannot expect to see you looking at thingsfrom my own standpoint. You look without, I see within. Thisis no hour for sentimentalities. The whole future of the** brightest ( !) jewel "—oh, what a dark satire in that name! —in the crown of England is at stake, and I am bound to devotethe whole of my powers as far as the Chohan will permit metohelp my country at this eleventh hour of her misery. I cannotwork except with those who will work with us. Accuse me not,my friend, for you do not know you cannot know, the extent ofthe limitations I am placed under. Think not, that I am seekingto place a bait—an inducement for you to accept that which wouldrefuse under other circumstances for I am not. Having pledgedmy solemn word of honour to Him to whom I am indebted foreverything I am and know I am simply helpless in case of yourrefusal and—we will have to part. Had not the Rent Bill beenaccompanied by the din and clash of the Ilbert Bill and ** con-tempt case " I would have been the first to advise you to refuse.As the situation stands now, however, and prohibited as I amtouse any but ordinary powers—I am powerless to do both, and amconstrained to choose between helping my hapless mother-country,and our future intercourse. It is for you to decide. And if thisletter is fated to be my last, I beg you to remember—for yoursake, not mine—the message I sent at Simla to yourself and Mr.Hume through H.P.B. —** Lord RipK>n is not a free agent; thereal Viceroy and ruler of India is not at Simla but at Rome; andthe effective weapon used by the latter is—^the Viceroy's confessor."
Give, pray, my best wishes to your lady and the " Morsel." Becertain, that with a few undetectable mistakes and omissions not-withstanding, your " Esoteric Buddhism " is the only right exposition—however incomplete—of our Occult doctrines. You havemade no cardinal, fundamental mistakes; and whatever maybegiven to you hereafter will not clash with a single sentence in yourbook but on the contrary will explain away any seeming contradiction. How greatly mistaken was Mr. Hume's theory wasshown by the " Chela " in the Theosophist, With all that, youmay feel sure that neither M. nor I have contradicted each otherin our respective statements. He was sp>eaking of the inner—I of the outer Round. There are many things that you have notlearned but may some day ; nor will you be able to ever compre- hend the process of the obscurations until you have mastered the mathematical progress of the inner and the outer rounds and learned more about the specific difference between the seven. And thus according to Mr. Massey's philosophical conclusion we have no God? He is right—since he applies the name to an extra- cosmic anomaly, and that we, knowing nothing of the latter, find —each man his God—within himself in his own personal, and at the same time,—impersonal Avalokitesvvara. And now—farewell. And if it is so decreed that we should correspond no more, remember me with the same sincere good feeling as you will ever be remembered by,
K. H.
